THE HEATHENS IN TARTU IN 1987-1994: HERITAGE PROTECTION CLUB TÕLET

Ergo-Hart Västrik. Tartu

Similar to the Lithuanian Romuva is the Estonian movement that is most commonly called maausulised (followers of the indigenous religion maausk, lit. the 'faith of the earth') or taara usulised(' followers of Taara faith'). The appellation taarausu lised refers to the connection with the devotees of Taara who were active in Estonia in the 1930s and who invented the Estonian national religion - the Taara faith¹, which saw as its ideological foundation the perceivable deity with the name of Taara². The words maausk and maausulised ensue from the name maarahvas ('country people', the indigenous inhabitants living in the country as opposed to foreigners who populated the towns), signifying the Estonians and Votes, but also from the words maakeel ('vernacular') and maajumal ('earth spirit') (see Eller 1990). The appellation maausulised is preferred by those participants in the movement who wish to make a distinction between themselves and the former devotees of Taara and thus to stress their resting upon their ancestors' heritage.³ (The latter can be treated as more general term and for the purposes of this article and in order to save space and avoid long and unwieldy circumlocutions, "the faith of the earth", maausk, and similar phenomena will be called Heathenism, and here the word will denote local ethnic forms of religion that have been attempted to restore on the basis of pre-Christian beliefs. The adherents of these religions shall be called the Heathens, i.e. followers of these particular forms of heathen religion. Both terms are capitalised, to avoid confusion with the general concept of heathenism, and to mark that here they are to be taken on an equal basis with the terms Christianity/Christian, and suchlike.)

The movement of Heathens itself has never been uniform or centralised, therefore it contains smaller groups that have identified themselves or have been identified by others under different names at different periods (e.g. noortaaralased 'young Taara followers', muinastaaralased 'ancient Taara followers', metsausidised 'followers of the faith of the woods', loodususulised 'adherents of the natural religion', karvased 'the shaggies', etc.) The following is a survey of the activities of one such group gathered into heritage protection club Tõlet in Tartu, Estonia. At the end of the article the general background and reasons of the Heathen movement is analysed, trying to view the movement in a wider cultural farmework.

Between 1987 and 1994 Tartu heritage protection club Tõlet played an important role in the whole Heathen movement in Estonia and in the formation of its image outside the movement; the aim of the club was to preserve, study and disseminate our ancient culture in Estonia and elsewhere (Tõlet 1992,40). The club functioned as an open fellowship that united people with shared views, published its journal, organised public rituals, lectures and spring schools, studied the heritage of the Estonian. and its kindred peoples and, especially at the early stages of its existence, propagated and manifested powerfully the Heathen and Taara doctrine world outlook. Tõlet can be considered a kind of brain trust, an axis of functioning that strove to become the choice part in a movement that was much wider. Although the number of the club members did not exceed 15-20, the number of those joined in for to the activities was several times larger (e.g. in 1992 register of the Tõlet spring school in the Samma Grove showed more than 130 participants). Through publications, public events and TV programmes the name of the Heathens has been driven home both to the institutions dealing with the folk heritage and to a wider audience. Since the Heathens are, in a way, bearers, revivers and interpreters of the more ancient tradition, their experience should be of interest to folklorists.

Tõlet was founded as a fellowship of young men that attracted new members mainly through personal contacts. Those who joined were people who felt the inclination to do so. When the feeling of communion or the need for it disappeared, they left.⁴ Unlike Romuva in Lithuania, there was no official organnisation In Estonia untl the vary resent times that would unify the majority of the adherents and represent them legally - the grouping remained a constantly changing and free association.⁵

The centre and, in a way, the medium of functioning for Tõlet was Tartu University - information was disseminated on the notice boards there and acquaintances were also made there. The majority of the followers of the Heathen movement in Tartu were students. There were students of philology, history, geography, biology, physics, and other specialities (of course, there were more of those who studied specialities connected with national heritage, such as folklore and ethnology, but also a great number of students of biology). Age, sex, status or creed were no obstacles. There were also a small number of elder people in the Heathen movement, their authority within the group was significant and they built the image of the whole movement to a considerable degree.

Tõlet was founded in Tartu in 1987 as a heritage protection club at a period when the number of various societies and clubs, both newly founded and re-established, skyrocketed. It was a period of "thaw", full of confusion, a time of the second national awakening and of the so-called singing revolution. Being directed at primeval culture, Tõlet was an exception in the general heritage protection movement that was mostly aimed at the heritage of the 1920s and 1930s. At the same time, the founders of the club have said that the information about Taara faith determined the aim and "mentality" of the club. The first pieces of knowledge were found in the press (e.g. Arjakas 1987, Deemant 1988), followed by direct contacts with the authors of the articles and the former devotees of Taara faith (Jüri-Rajur Liivak, Addold Mossin, Arvu Karjatse, etc.). Members of Tõlet started to do study and propagate the teachings of the Taara followers: the first issue of Tõlet's journal Videvik⁶ published a number of writings from the former devotees and documents of the religious society Hiis. Thus the group came to be called noortaaralased - i.e. young followers of Taara faith.

The young Heathens took the Taara movement as an example, but it was no mere imitation. The devotees of Taara can be characterised as the modellers of a new, Estonian faith that was to support the Estonian statehood and lay a new, firm spiritual foundation to it (Kaasik 1993a, 4). Tõlet's objectives at the beginning of its activities were also emphatically cultural and political, aimed at masses and directed to the future. However, the cultural situation was different from that of the 1920s and 1930s, and so were the notions about the ancient beliefs: a number of comprehensive works concerning the Estonian spiritual folk tradition, including folk belief, had been published. Great was the influence of older Heathens, whose silent but unwavering promulgation of their ideas did not pass unnoticed - for example, the use and propagation of vernacular personal names (e.g. Sarv & Eller 1987), the publication of Sirvilauad (traditional Estonian runic calendar), which they used to disseminate their ideas of the ancestors' folk calendar (see, Kymme aastat... 1988), and the publication of essays condemning the general orientation of national culture (e.g. Eller 1990 and 1991). Tõlet began to identify itself increasingly with the name maausulised ('Heathens').

The Heathens, not unlike the devotees of Taara, have offered an alternative to the mainstream national elite culture that since the proclamations of the Noor-Eesti movement has manifested a strive towards Europe.⁷ Heathens founded their identity on a different ground. Extracting ideas from the works of the ideologists of Taara faith, such as K. Utuste and J. Luiga, folklorist 0. Loorits and theologian U. Masing, they declared that the manifestations of the western (Indo-European) civilisation and culture were inherently totally alien and thus unsuited to the Estonians (descendants of maarahvas - 'country people') and that these had been imported into Estonia by force by Baltic German Christianisation (see Barkalaja 1993). According to their ideas, native identity was to be established on native culture and not on alien examples. This found its expression among other things on the formation of the definition and division of time.

The Heathens, like the followers of Taara, used their own reckoning of time: for the devotees of Taara the starting point was the proclamation of the Republic of Estonia in 1918 AD, for Heathens and Tõlet the so-called birth of the earth⁸ in 8213 BC. Both have propagated the use of vernacular names for calendar months: I helmekuu/sydakuu⁹, II radokuu. III urbekuu (linnukuu), IV mahlakuu, V Iehekuu, VI õilmekuu/ pärnakuu (leedokuu), VII heinakuu, VIII lõikuskuu (põimikuu), IX sügiskuu, X hingedekuu/porikuu, XI talvekuu/kooljakuu, XII jõulukuu (Ülevaade... 1933, 90 and Aasta... 1990). Also, both movements have celebrated somewhai unusual festivals. The festival calendar of the Taara followers includes besides the holidays connected with the independence of the Republic of Estonia (Independence Day 24. II, Day of the Cross of Freedom 30. V, Peace Day - anniversary of the end of the War of Independence and commemoration of the fallen heroes 3.1) also days connected with the ancient Estonian struggle for independence (St. George's night 23. IV, Lembitu's Day 21. IX) and folk calendar festivals, whereas the latter are given a wider interpretation (e.g. urbepäev 'Palm Sunday' - veneration of the elders and celebration of the beginning of spring 23. IV/I. V, kevadpüha 'spring festival' - the day when the full installation of spring is marked with ploughing 5/18. V, suvistepühad 'Whitsunday' - beginning of summer 9-1 1. VI, hiiepühad 'Grove Festival' - celebration of the victory of light and valour 23-24. VI, kalmuhiie päev 'Day of the Burial Grove' - celebration of the beginning of the Souls' Visiting Time 30. X, Yuletide — winter solstice and the day of winter pleasure 24-27. XII).¹⁰ The runic calendar (Sirvilauad) that reflects the Heathen calendar is mainly based on folk calendar festivals; the names of these festivals are chosen as vernacular as possible, trying to avoid those that imply Christian holidays.¹¹ More magnificent was the celebration of equinoxes and solstices by the Heathens on the correct dates, although their celebration in the folk calendar had shifted to other days.

Tõlet, like the devotees of Taara, published their newsletter, organised public lectures and events. The followers of Taara faith had an elaborate set of uniform attributes (urituli - sacrificial fire, tõlet - an amulet of silver and gold, containing the earth from the owner's birthplace, tubane hiis 'indoor holy grove' - kind a site with some plants inside the room for rituals, stylised folk costumes) and magical rites (initiation of new members, weddings, funerals). Unlike the followers of Taara faith, the Heathens have not attempted to define the objects of veneration very clearly and unambiguously, to canonise these as the only true ones. They were united primarily by common undertakings and activities, and they had developed a feeling of solidarity. Smaller groups developed their own customs and traditions. For example, the current form of communication between the members of Tõlet was to get together on Thursdays; in springs Tõlet organised the conventions at the holy grove of Samma in Viru-Nigula parish; the Heathen weddings of the members of Tõlet have always been memorable (e.g. Ahto and Mairi Kaasiks' wedding at Soemõisa in summer 1992, where several uniting rites were conducted; the wedding party lasted three days and nights, as was the tradition). A ceremonial tradition was the celebration of the summer solstice and St. John's Day at Vigala Sass' place on the Isle of Saaremaa. On solstice nights magical incantations were also chanted by the sacrificial stone at Toomemagi Hill in Tartu, where three wooden idols were erected¹² (see: Leete 1992). Tõlet used some incantations of fire, stone and wood on its public ceremonies (descriptions see Toomet & Leete 1992 and Toomet & Kaasik 1993). A repertoire of runo songs developed that were sung by the fire or on other gatherings - people preferred songs that created a suitable atmosphere, such as Venna sõjalaul ('Brother's Song of War'), Pädeva veeretamine ('Rolling of the Day'), Suur tamm ('The Great Oak'), Nuttev tamm ('The Weeping Oak'), etc., all of which acquired a ritual significance. These songs were transmitted within the circle from one person to another, without ever being written down or learned by heart. So a certain common heritage, a stock of songs was created, that everybody knew and that changed little by little. Although the one who introduced a song had learned it from a written source, others learned it from him without any written aids. Certain Heathen greetings developed, as well as preferences for food, beverages, sexual life, clothing and hair style, ways of spending one's spare time and hobbies. E.g. both men and women wear longhair, amulets, fillets, clothes of sheep's wool, home-made clothes, accessories and bags; the members of the grouping declared their closeness to the nature, liberality and pluralism in behaviour, family life, and in educational matters.

We can even speak about the aesthetics characteristic of a certain group of people. So, the feeling of solidarity of the group was created not merely by shared views, beliefs and participation in common undertakings, but also by similarities in the members' appearance and in their way of life in general. Both in their appearance and in their behaviour the Heathens have been compared with hippies, in fact, the whole movement has been considered a manifestation of the hippie movement (Ventsel 1996).

In the course of time membership of Tõlet has changed, and so has the prevailing mentality and the concept of Heathenism as such. Originally outward-directed, declarative and outgoing Taara doctrine (or aggressive Heathenism) was later substituted with a more self-absorbed and meditative, pluralist view of Heathenism. Aggressiveness can be considered a manifestation of agony of formation - they had to find a way to drive their existence home to the whole society. Besides, the confusion of the transition period, political and cultural instability, encouraged immoderate declarations. It is the experience of the related nations, the equipoise of the elders and time that have worn down the raw edges.

The Heathenism of the 1980s and 1990s has been nothing uniform of determined; instead, the "bearers of the religion" - the holders of the Heathen heritage - have shaped it after their own faces. In fact, Heathenism, 'the faith of the earth', is not a real faith (Leete 1995): to be a Heathen is to be apparently a non-believer (Eller 1990). And yet, it does contain some common traits, which have been aptly formulated by Art Leete:

        * Heathenism is an autonomous contemporary process that emphasises independent being and feeling;

        * Heathenism is an aspiration towards certain knowledge and apprehension through tradition;

        * Heathenism is something distant - a primordial instinct broken out, new evaluation, new order, new morals (Leete 1995).

Comments

The Heathen identity, as opposed to the German-based national culture, had to stand on a independent foundation, on the early Finno-Ugric tradition, which in essence is purer from foreign influence. This led firstly to the studies of folklore and the kindred nations, to the reassessment of earlier opinions, to attempts to understand and revive the values and knowledge contained in the folk tradition, to synthesise these and adapt these into the contemporary environment and society.

People sought to synthesise the intuitive Ugric feeling (Leete 1994, 92) that was considered to lay scattered in the depths of the archives as well as in the ways of life and thinking of the kinsfolk living in the vast expanses of Russia. It was in no way a wish to return to the cave, but unlike the academic research work, they tried to familiarise themselves with the world of the tradition, to sense it, to apply or try out what they had learned. This can be seen as the revival of the values contained in the tradition, their converting into the modem language and world. So we can speak about marked interest in folk tradition and folklore in general, and thus the Heathen movement can be viewed as the extremist wing of the folklore movement. Such behaviour is not a mere pose, it permeated one's whole life and mentality. Customary laws, orders, prohibitions, customs became norms for the followers of the movement, which they tried to take as their point of departure in their day-to-day life. Besides, they were united by the conviction that from the ancient heritage they could find the quintessence of the primitive spirit, that would retain the ancient heritage when followed consciously.

In a similar manner they tried to synthesise the Ugric spirit from the experience of the related nations. The idea was that the more and less distant kindred nations in Russia (e.g. the Mari, Mordvinians, Udmurts, Komi, Mansi and Hanti) had retained something (i.e. a certain world outlook or spirit) that Estonians have lost. In this way, living together with the related nations, it is possible to sense and learn the outlook on life and world there, and to adapt it to one's own civilisation. Again, this was no mere imitating, but the cognition experience was applied to synthesise something new. This experience was adapted with the contemporary attitudes and norms. Such an outlook is characteristic of the entire Finno-Ugrian movement¹³ in Estonia, and so the Heathens can be considered a part of it.

Naturally not all who joined the movement were ardent archive-delv-ers or travellers constantly roaming about in the Finno-Ugric territories. It sufficed to be open to this world and to mix with people who were surrounded by a Heathen fluid. Those who had "found" or "recognised" something could transmit their own experience, create their own tradition which in its turn was observed by others (e.g. Toomet 1989, Eller 1991). And so the Heathen mode of thought spread from person to person. Certain values were intuitively perceived. The ability to synthesise and "place" things differed from person to person. Some leaders emerged who had a greater or lesser number of followers. (And certainly there were many independent adherents). The decisive factor was the free will of the participant and his or her self-determination as a Heathen, his or her wish to belong to a vaguely defined group or fraternity. It depended on that particular person which way of being a Heathen suited him or her best. Besides the folkloric and Pan-Finno-Ugrian movement the Heathen community has certain touching points with practitioners of different energy and healing arts, with people interested in Oriental studies and neo-shamanism, with environmentalists, green movement, etc.

One of the Heathen ideals has always been harmonic country life in a homestead, closeness to the nature and environmentalist attitude. (Closeness to the nature is only natural, since the identity is based on folk tradition which mostly stems from peasant environment). The Heathens treasure and preserve such traditional handicraft skills that are falling into oblivion in these days: e.g. making a dug-out, constructing a log house; smithery, pottery, brewing, women's handicraft skills, etc. Many have retained a connection with country life through their background, and the "right" Heathens are actually full or half-breed country-people.¹⁴ Quite a few of the undertakings of the Heathens have been part of the 'neighbourhood' movement. The opening of the memorial for Anne the witch of KongIa at Viru-Nigula in 1990 and the restoration of the holy grove of Samma in 1989 were organised by Tõlet collaboration with the local heritage protection club, district forest office and kolkhoz (Kongla Anne... 1990, Samma ohvrihiis 1990). Tolet's Spring School in the grove of Samma in 1992 was included in the programme of the World Vironia Days (Kaasik 1993b, 25). In South Estonia the Heathens are connected with the search of the Võru people for their identity.

The Heathen movement can certainly be regarded apart of the search for the national identity of the 1970s and 1980s (see: Kõiva 1995,192). Heathenism is a way to see and feel the world through tradition, to keep in mind one's ancestry and descent, to be alternative, different and independent. It is a possibility to experience communion, to find people with whom you feel good and whom you can rely on in trouble. At the same time it is an ability to get on with one's own hands and wit, a primordial power and will. This is knowledge "picked up" from other people, trees, stones, animals, winds, songs, the murmur of waters, the soughing of trees and an infinite number of other sources.

Such movements are by no means exceptional in the culture of other nations. I have had the opportunity to participate (besides the conventions and gatherings organised by Tõlet) in a gathering of the Lithuanian heathens, where there were participants from the Lithuanian Romuva as well as from the corresponding Latvian and Byelorussian heathen groups. Since then I have gathered further information from my correspondence, through e-mail and Internet (e.g. Wiench 1995).

The (neo) heathen movements of the Baltic countries are not very different from each other. Before World War II there were non-Christian religious organisations in all the Baltic countries that established their doctrine on the ancient mythology. In all three countries the Soviet regime persecuted the leaders of these movements (see: Wiench 1995, Tulnola 1989, 9). The succession of the movements survived in exile. The information about the earlier movements was kept and transmitted secretly through the whole period of occupation in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia; upon regaining independence the corresponding organisations were formed, which later continued as religious organisations or congregations.

While the Estonians have found support in the tradition of their Finno-Ugrian kinsfolk and aspired towards the Finno-Ugric and boreal qualities, the Balts and Byelorussians speak about the common Indo-European heritage and roots. Lithuanians who were christianised last and about whose archaic beliefs there is the most information have outlined their pantheon of divinities the most clearly. But other groups are also characterised by appreciation of traditional skills and closeness to the nature.

The movements in the other Baltic states are also closely connected with the folklore movement. In the Soviet republics of the 1970s and 1980s plunging into folklore studies was one of the possibilities to retain one's spiritual independence and identity. The connection with folk tradition plays an important role in the autonomy of the national cultures of the Baltic countries.

In my opinion the connection with folk tradition in Post-Soviet countries differs at present considerably from that of the Western European countries where it seems that national identity is not so clearly connected with the tradition (any more), and the neo-pagan movements are a part of the new-age, green or feminist movement where the distinction between "one's own" and "alien" plays no part at all. E.g. under the title of neo-paganism following trends and groupings are mentioned: Wicca (in all its many forms), neo-Shamanism, neo-Druidism, Asatru and other forms of Norse neopaganism, neo-Native American practices, the range of things labeled "Women's Spirituality", the Sabaean Religious Order, Church of All Worlds, Discordianism, Radical Faeries and other "Men's Spirituality" movements, certain people within Thelema and hedonistic Satanism and some of eco-feminism, and last, but not least, Paganism-(with a capital "P") strand of neopaganism which strives to allow each person to draw from whatever religious and cultural traditions are meaningful for the individual {FAQ for Alt. Pagan 1994).

I do share the opinion of P. Wiench (1995) who has noted, that the emergence of neo-pagan groups in Central and Eastern Europe after the fall of communism is not a reflection of Western neo-pagan ideas; for the majority of people interested in neo-paganism the Western neo-pa-ganism is rathern unknown, and pagans in the region are much less interested in magic that the Western pagans. The appellation "neo-pagan" used to denote alternative religious groupings in Western countries, does not imply properly the phenomena emerged in Baltics and neighbouring countries, where heathen movements have been closely linked with national "awakening" and identity.

Translated by Kai Vassiljeva

* I am indebted to Mare Kõiva and Kai Vassiljeva who helped to frame my doubtful ideas in the form of present article.

1) In 1932 the devotees of the Taara faith formed the religious association Hiis in Tallinn. In the 1930s Taara faith was gaining ground in the public. By 1940 congregations of Hiis were founded in Tallinn, the province of Võru (Pühajõe Hiis) and Kose; in addition there were 16 committees of native culture in various places all over Estonia, with 700 members all told (the number of supporters of the movement was estimated at 17,000; see Theophilus 1939, 54). At the beginning of the Soviet occupation the legal activities of the Taara followers were banned, the leaders were repressed. The succession of the movement survived in the exile and secretly during the whole occupation period. (For more details, see Arjakas 1987, Deemant 1988, issues of the newsletters Hiis and Videvik.)

2) The only base for the name Taara is the Great God of the people of Osilia (the Isle of Saaremaa) T (h) arapita, mentioned in the beginning of 13th century by the Chronicle of Henric of Latvia; it has been interpreted as the battle cry "Taara avita!" ('Taara help us!') (Viires 1990, 1411). Etymologically the word has been traced back to the Scandinavian Thor, but there have also been references to the possible Finno-Ugric origin (cf. Hanti forum). When the pantheon of the ancient Estonian gods was created in the mid-19th century, Taara stood out from among them as the chief god and the god of war. Taara became a beloved figure in the national revival poetry, and later in the prose dealing with the pre-Christian era in the history of Estonia. The popularity of the god Taara was further enhanced by school books of the national revival and independence periods (Viires 1990, 1413-1418).

In their teachings the devotees of Taara use Taara in the highest sense of the concept of deity: Taara is undefined, indefinable, perceivable (Hiie Põhikiri 1931, 68).

3) We acknowledge what exists in written form in the Literary Museum - that part of our ancestors' beliefs which has survived to our days (Eller 1991, 14). The manifesto of the Heathen fellowship might be K. I. Filer's essay Maarahvast ('About the Country People'), published in 1970 (see Eller 1990).

4) So, when one of the members left, he created a new group called JUUR.

5) However, in spring 1995 congregations of the followers of Heathenism and Taara faith were officially registered in Estonia, and simultaneously the heritage protection club Tõlet terminated its activities. (About the aim of congregations see: Kasemets & Barkalaja & Eller 1995.)

6) Videvik was published in 1987-1989, 4 issues all in all. The newsletter was distributed as Xerox copies. In 1992 the newsletter was issued in printed form, its circulation was 300 copies. By that time the name of the newsletter was changed to Hiis, because in the meantime pensioner's newspaper Videvik had been started.

7) Literary and general cultural movement of Noor-Eesfi ('Young Estonia') that functioned in the beginning of the 20th century, stressed the importance of the occidentalism in development of Estonian culture: e.g. Let's remain Estonians, yet let's become Europeans!).

8) The birth of the earth is determined after the Billingen catastrophe, which has been dated with a year's precision in Sweden, using varved clay (Kymme aastat... 1988, 50). At that time the waters of the late glacial Baltic Glacial Reservoir broke through into the ocean at the spot where today are Lakes of Malar; as a result, the greater part of the territory of Estonia rose above the water. According to this reckoning, the year 1996 would be 10209.

9) If there is a difference between the Taara calendar and the runic calendar (Sirvilauad), the latter name is given after a slash. The parallel names offered in the runic calendar are in brackets.

10) The following examples have been taken from Videvik No. 1 (1987, 17-18).

11) The greater part of the Estonian folk calendar holidays coincide with Catholic festivals and saints' days, but the essence of the customs and magic actions is mainly non-Christian.

12) The idols were erected near the sacrificial stone in the Toomemägi Park in 1989-1991. They were carved from fallen trees; the biggest of them needed the strength of 10 men to be set up. In March-April 1992 members of the Word of Life congregation, mainly immigrants from the CIS who were studying at Tartu Bible School, took revenge on the idols: the idols were pulled down and destroyed. One night, after several repeated erection and destruction, the idols vanished for good (Leete 1992, 20-21).

13) Finno-Ugrian movement can be defined as movement for promoting closer ties among kindred people. In Estonia the movement is led by several societies and foundation "Fenno-Ugria".

14) The town population of Estonians is mostly descended from the countrymen during the last three generations.

Aasta... 1990: Aasta 10203 (1990 A.D.). [Traditional runic calendar.]

Arjakas, K. 1987: Taaralastest ja Kustas Utuste kirjakogust (About followers of Taara faith and K. Utuste's collection of letters). Looming, No.7,pp. 999-1001.

Barkalaja, A. 1993: Üks võimalus oleks. Maarahva ärkamine (There would be a possibility: an awakening of country people). Põllumajan-dusülikool, No. 6 (March 13th), p. 4.

Deemant, K. 1988: Taarausulistest (About the followers of Taara faith). Edasi, No. 101 (April 30th), p. 4 and No. 106 (May 7th), p. 5. Eller, K. I. 1990: Maarahvast (About the country people.). Vikerkaar, No.3,pp. 72-77.

Eller, I. 1991: Intervjuu Kalle Elleriga (An interview with K. Eller.). Kultuiirja Elu, No. 3, pp. 12-17.

FAQ for Alt.Pagan 1994: Frequently Asked Qestions for Alt.Pagan;

Version 2.1. http://www.ssc.org/~athomps/pagan/alt_pagan.html

Hiie Põhikiri 1931: Hiie Põhikiri (Statutory of Hiis). Hiis, No. 3, pp. 67-73.

Kaasik, A. 1993a: Ahto jutt (Ahto's speech). Hiis, No. 6 (lehekuu 10206), pp. 2-8.

Kaasik, A. 1993b: Samma hiis (Holy grove of Samma). Hiis, No. 6 (lehekuu 10206), pp. 24-27.

Kasemets, A. & Barkalaja, A. & Eller, K. 1995: Maavalla Koda - mis see on? (Maavalla Koda - what is it?) Postimees, No. 109 (May 15th), p. 19 and No. 110 (May 16th), p. 13.

Kongia Anne 1990: Kongla Anne nõiaprotsessist 350 aastat (The trial of KongIa Anne 350 years ago). X kodupaiga päev.

Kõiva, M. 1995: From Incantations to Rites. Folk Belief Today. Tartu, pp.215-236.

Kymme aastat... 1988: Kymme aastat nyydisaegseid sirvilaudu ( 10 years of modern runic calendar). Vikerkaar, No. 1, pp. 49-54.

Leete, A. 1992: Puuslikud Toomemäel (Idols at Toome Hill). Hiis, No. 5 (jõulukuu 10205), pp. 20-22.

Leete, A. 1994: Maausulise kunsti olematus (Nonexistance of Heathen art). Vikerkaar, No. 7, pp. 92-94.

Leete, A. 1995: Maausk - rahvalik salakäik kristluse ja satanismi lähistel? (Heathenism - popular slype in the vicinity of Christianity and Satanism?) Postimees, No. 38 (February 15th), p. 13. Samma ohvrihiis 1990: Samma ohvrihiis (Holy grove of Samma). X kodupaiga päev.

Sarv, T. & Eller, K. 1987:200 maakeelset nime (200 vernacular names). Kultuur ja Elu, No. 9, pp. 21-22.

Theophilus 1939 [Annist, A.]: Kas "vana-eesti usund" või kristluse uuestielustus? ("Ancient Estonian religion" or reanimation of Christianity?) Akateemia, No.l,pp.52-59.

Toomet, L. 1989: Kuidas saada taaralaseks / kuidas saada kontakti esi-vanematega (How to become a follower of Taara faith / how to get contacts with ancestors). Videvik, No. 4 (kevad 10202), pp. 7-8.

Toomet, L. & Leete, A. 1992; Tõleti avalikud loitsud. 1. (Public incantations of Tolet). Hiis, No. 5 (jõulukuu 10205), pp. 9-13.

Toomet, L. & Kaasik, A. 1993: Tõleti avalikud loitsud. 2. (Public incantions of Tõlet). Hiis, No, 6 (lehekuu 10206), pp. 39-44.

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